Kuo1

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An Anthropological Approach to Sarkicism - Case Study 06: The Ɨal of Yukon-Koyukuk

An Anthropological Approach to Sarkicism

Dr. Matthieu Desmarais, Department of Anthropology

Forward:
Our understanding of Sarkicism has changed dramatically over the last few decades. This information has revealed a diverse and shifting paradigm far different from the monolithic creed first hypothesized. We are now able to paint a broader, more detailed picture of the Sarkic religion, its various sects, and cultural traditions.

Modern sects are the product of divergent interpretations, many bearing a mere superficial resemblance to their ancient progenitor cult. Most unexpected, especially among early scholars of Sarkicism such as myself, are the seemingly benevolent intentions of its founders. The road to hell, it is often said, is paved with good intentions - an aphorism the Foundation must always keep close in mind, for despite the aeons between us, we gaze into that very same abyss.

And like the ancient Sarkites, we have found it full of monsters.

Dr. Desmarais, at great risk to himself, seeks to better understand Sarkicism and its ever-shifting paradigm through the study of living communities - revealing what ruins, artifacts, and the dead cannot. Though his methods are unorthodox (at least for the Foundation), his results are undeniable and deserving of continued support.

Dr. Judith Low, Senior Adviser at the Department of History - Religious GoI Threat Analysis.

Overview:

alaska.png

Wide estimate of Ɨal settlement location.

The Ɨal1 are a highly isolated sarkite community alleged to inhabit the boreal forest between the Brooks Range and the Yukon River in Yukon–Koyukuk, Alaska2. They speak a previously unrecorded dialect of the Sakha language and live a primarily hunter-gatherer lifestyle.

I had not sought out the Ɨal, nor had I known of their existence. This community is insulated to the extent that it has almost entirely evaded direct Foundation observation. This community was discovered during an interview 8 months into the containment of an individual acquired for what was then thought to be an isolated anomalous incident. It was at this point that I was contacted.

This individual, a 26-year-old Oğo toloru3 mononynmously known as "Kuobach", is the only contacted member of the community. All information about the Ɨal has come directly from them.

Kuobach had been living away from their community in Anchorage for 5 years prior to their containment and had picked up English in that time but due to a brain injury that caused frequent confusion, interviews were carried out in a combination of both Sakha and English. While the semi-delirious state brought on by this injury is likely what made Kuobach so open to questioning4, the fact that their isolated community would have little need for secrecy may also have contributed.

Kuobach has since made a full recovery and has declined any further formal interviews. Despite this, they are still personable, regularly speak about their community to personnel in "casual" settings, and have a generally positive opinion on what they know of the Foundation.

It is almost certain this community exists, but it's important to acknowledge the vast majority of information cannot be directly confirmed unless contact with the wider community is made.

History:

The Ɨal originally migrated eastward to the Republic of Sakha in the early 5th century and settled on the eastern side of the Lena river. The community was close enough to modern-day Yakutsk that they had daily contact with its citizens after its formation. Their language and some aspects of their lifestyle and cuisine were adopted from the Sakha people but their cultural and religious practices had negligible influence on each other. The Ɨal population shrunk during the early 17th century after the Russian colonization of the region and the introduction of the fur tribute.

As the Russian population of Yakutsk rose in the early to mid-1820s, the Ɨal were driven out of the region. The exact event that sparked this migration was attributed to the beheading of a Karcist. The community traveled east across Siberia and the Bering Sea before settling in modern-day Alaska in the early 1830s.

Shortly after becoming self-sufficient, they cut off all contact with the outside world.

Culture, Tradition, and Misconceptions:

The Ɨal5 are a community of an estimated 170-200. Unlike most Arctic peoples or Sarkic populations, they consume relatively little meat. This practice arose initially from necessity but has since become a preference.

Over warmer months, they forage berries, coniferous trees, wild chives, and several other tubers and foliage. A significant portion of their plant-based caloric intake comes from toxic sources; this is most likely how they can consume less meat than is typical for northern populations. When they hunt, they prefer hunting small game such as snowshoe hares, ptarmigans, and beavers. The Ɨal also keep an animal Kuobach referred to as "At", the Sakha word for horse. When shown an image of a horse, Kuobach used the English word horse to describe it and explained that they were not the same creature. They keep these animals for transportation, meat, and milk and are the only form of agriculture the Ɨal engage in.

They speak a unique dialect of Sakha; though the majority of the language is intelligible to fluent listeners, its grammatical structure is noticeably different and it incorporates more Uralic loan words than modern Sakha. The Ɨal do not have a written form of their language but Kuobach has been learning to read English.

Due to the Ɨal's history with Russian colonization, Kuobach expressed a strong hatred of the Russian Monarchy. This is apparently nearly universal among the Ɨal. The community still believes they are on land controlled by the monarchy and have no knowledge that Alaska was sold to the United States of America in 1867 or of the Russian revolution. Kuobach expressed understanding of this but it was surprising and "extremely exciting" in their words.

The Ɨal have no name for their sect of sarkicism and do not consider it to be a religion at all. The concept of religion entirely does not exist within the community. A former roommate explained religion to Kuobach and they understand non-sarkite religions as religions but do not fully understand that their beliefs and practices are also typically considered a religion.

Kuobach has made comments on several occasions implying they believe at least some of their community's sarkic practices and beliefs are universal. I have explained that they are not, but they were still picking arguments about "plastic surgery" being proof of flesh-shaping's ubiquity when they began declining my interviews. Documentation of the Ɨal's religious beliefs was made difficult by this misunderstanding.

The Ɨal do not have the traditional religious leaders or hierarchy typical to proto-sarkic communities6 and have a dynamic similar to unstructured anarchism. However, they have "educators" that continue sarkic teachings and are frequently turned to for advice. Based on the mention of a former Karcist and recognition of the hierarchy's previous existence, I can only theorize these roles-along with their way of life and teachings being viewed as a "religion"-were lost some time after their isolation.

When speaking of religious figures7 Kuobach refers to them casually and frequently criticizes them in the same breath that they praise them. Kuobach was confused when questioned on their tone, then stated that this was nothing out of the ordinary in their community.

This very skepticism has led the youngest adult generations to distrust warnings of the outside world. Kuobach was not the first to leave their community; two others went before them, neither of which had returned by the time Kuobach left.8 Kuobach cited their curiosity as their main reason for leaving rather than any disdain for their home or culture and has expressed a desire to return and share what they have learned one day.

The Ɨal's flesh-shaping is known vaguely as "Sitér"9 and several other euphemisms rather than by a direct name. This practice is taught to each individual once they reach puberty and is used primarily but not exclusively to adapt to their environment and survive what would otherwise be lethal. They are not immortal and have only a slightly longer lifespan than average but these adaptations make young, healthy adults remarkably hardy. Five major alterations of their physiology are performed as they reach certain milestones in maturation and eventually adulthood.

  1. Uot, a layer of blubber to better regulate body heat and survive freezing temperatures, granted directly after birth.10
  2. Ahɨlɨk, increased liver function to safely consume the toxins found commonly in the Ɨal diet, granted once the child is weaned.
  3. Tyyn, reduced production of lactic acid in the muscles to enhance stamina, granted after a child takes their first steps.
  4. Byһyt, control over constriction of blood vessels to prevent exsanguination from wounds, granted once a child reaches puberty.
  5. and Sүүjtérbét, the transfer of brain tissue responsible for memory and the addition of new brain tissue to the thoracic cavity, granted once a person reaches the community's standard of adulthood11.

Sightings of the Ɨal recovering from a coming-of-age practice known as "Ölüüča" along the Dalton Highway have been recorded since its construction. These were originally mistaken for isolated anomalous incidents. Ölüüča is the complete decapitation of new adults performed on the winter solstice following Sүүjtérbét and is non-fatal. This is only performed once during an individual's life but can be triggered again by accidents resulting in decapitation.

The process of recovery as described by Kuobach and observed after their initial acquisition by the Foundation comes in 4 main stages.

  1. Within 10 minutes of decapitation individuals undergo a metamorphosis into a facultative bipedal form covered in double-coated pale red fur and segmented muscle that can pull apart and act as additional tentacle-like limbs. At this point, their head will be re-grown. They will then consume their previously detached head. During this stage, they display highly instinct-driven behavior with their only focus being on finding food to eat and shelter to sleep in. The majority of their time is spent asleep. They lack a basic understanding of their surroundings, are considered moderately aggressive12, and are easily overstimulated. Initial MRI scans showed a complete lack of brain tissue in the skull. This stage of behavior will last roughly 2 months.
  2. As brain tissue begins to regrow, their behavior shifts again. They spend more time awake and become curious about their surroundings outside of foraging. It's within this stage they start to process language again, become reminded of who they are, and re-learn problem-solving. They're able to answer simply worded yes or no questions through nodding, blinking, or various other methods. This stage lasts roughly 4 months.
  3. The third stage is when they begin to fully comprehend what is going on around them, re-learn the ability to speak, and start to appear, from a psychological sense at least, a lot more like a typical brain injury survivor. The areas of the brain involved with translating thought to speech and inhibition are not fully formed yet at this point. Still, they're more capable of verbal communication and have vague moments of lucidity. It is at this stage the first interview with Kuobach that sparked the discovery of the Ɨal took place.
  4. Once they feel they have recovered enough, typically about a year in, they shed their skin13 and undergo a second more intentional metamorphosis back to a human form14. They retain all personality and memories from before decapitation; the only long-lasting symptom of this process is permanent binocular pendular nystagmus. Once this is complete, they will return to their community wrapped in their own pelt. The pelt is then tanned and sewn into a shawl and a small celebration is held. Because of various factors; including Foundation involvement, the accidental nature of the decapitation, and the distance to Kuobach's home community, this portion of the final stage could not be observed.

If approached correctly, the Ɨal's willingness to share could lead to a greater understanding of sarkicism as a whole. At the same time, it has already cost the Foundation thousands in tracking down and amnesticizing everyone Kuobach shared too much with. I'm certain we'll have to do the same again when we find the others. Any future attempts to contact the Ɨal settlement must be handled with care; both to prevent more civilian exposure to the anomalous and because this community believes they live on land controlled by a hostile monarchy.

For now, tracking down the two individuals who left their community prior to Kuobach for interview, suppressing sightings of those healing from their Ölüüča along the Dalton Highway, and monitoring the populated regions around the the boreal forest for individuals speaking the Sakha language is what I believe to be the best course of action.

When the time to contact the Ɨal settlement does come, it will be after their kin have returned with news of the outside world and trust in the Foundation.

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